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The systemic neglect of water infrastructure on reserves, driven by colonial policies and environmental racism, exacerbates the barriers Indigenous menstruators face in managing their periods with dignity. As we observe World Water Day, we must acknowledge access to clean water as fundamental to ensuring menstrual and gender justice and to achieving human rights.
Despite Canada’s international reputation as a water-rich nation, the federal government has stated that they have no legal duty to ensure First Nations communities have clean drinking water. This deliberate negligence leaves Indigenous menstruators – who require clean water for hygiene, comfort, and health – without the resources needed to manage their periods with dignity. The financial burdens of purchasing bottled water for hygiene, in addition to the overpriced menstrual supplies in remote areas, deepens the economic hardships and social exclusion faced by menstruators.
Menstrual Justice and Water Justice
Water and menstrual justice are inextricably linked. Without access to clean water, menstruators cannot safely use reusable menstrual products or maintain basic hygiene. The lack of clean water for Indigenous communities is a form of ongoing colonial violence that is not only affecting the hygiene of Indigenous menstruators but invariably impacts Indigenous peoples’ relationships to and with water and menstruation. And yet, as settler colonial violence works to sever Indigenous peoples’ connections to land, culture, and family, Indigenous peoples have always resisted.
This crisis extends beyond Indigenous communities. Unhoused and incarcerated menstruators also experience significant barriers to managing their periods. Public washrooms often lack free menstrual products or privacy for unhoused folk to manage their menstrual cycles with privacy. Correctional facilities frequently restrict, deny, or weaponize the distribution of menstrual supplies and access to water for incarcerated menstruators.
In a country that prides itself on gender equity, human rights, and access to clean water, the realities faced by menstruators, particularly Indigenous menstruators and unhoused or incarcerated menstruators, across Canada is unacceptable.
A Call for Anti-Colonial Action
Addressing the intertwined injustices of water and menstruation requires an anti-colonial approach. The federal government must be held accountable for its failure to provide Indigenous communities with clean water and ensure equitable water infrastructure on reserves. In addition, unhoused and incarcerated menstruators in Canada must have reliable access to clean water so that they can manage menstruation with dignity. Water is not a luxury item, and neither are menstrual supplies. Universal access to safe and clean water and menstrual supplies is essential to ensure the safety, privacy, dignity, and human rights of all menstruators.
This is a water justice, menstrual justice, and gender justice issue that demands urgent action. We must dismantle the colonial and capitalist systems that commodify essential resources, advocate for policy changes that prioritize Indigenous water sovereignty, and challenge the social stigmas that keep menstrual and water justice on the sidelines.
On this World Water Day, let us commit to recognizing water and menstrual justice as fundamental human rights. Only by addressing these interconnected crises can we create a more just and equitable Canada.
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The workshop gathered some of the most incredible and inspiring individuals – scholars, activists, advocates, storytellers – all of whom work in the realm of water and climate justice. An important goal of the two-day workshop was bridging the gap and uniting the diverse disciplines that work on water scholarship. For me, it was this diversity amongst scholars and practitioners represented just how integral the issue was. Many had a background in natural sciences, however there were just as many with humanities and social sciences backgrounds, including history, literature, and governance. A notable observation was that most attendees were women. There was a strong influence and respect towards Indigenous ways of knowledge and philosophies.
I joined the workshop as a Student Research Assistant at the CHRR, working on the newly funded Just Waters project. I was selected as a Research Assistant as part of the Indigenous Summer Student Internship Program. For me, it felt good to return to water justice – to a topic that I’ve always felt passionate about. I’m a part of a generation that has grown up with climate change, water injustices, and inequities all being topics in the curriculum. Throughout high school, I actively participated in our environmental justice student group, which included biannual water testing and sampling at three different sites. Because of my disinterest in the natural sciences, I never considered that I would be able to continue with my interests in academia; the workshop provided me with a chance to meet scholars and professionals who come at the issue from diverse disciplines and perspectives.
Following introductions, together the attendees established themes of knowledge gaps that required further discussion. These four themes included:
Justice Frameworks
Procedural Justice
Unity of Knowledge
Well-being
This opening exercise was eye-opening. These areas of study don’t exist within silos, the way that we might perceive them to. These issues are as much of social ones as they are scientific. While I might be currently pursuing a career in the legal field there are still ways I can advocate for climate and water justice. There is work to be done, regardless of the educational background one might have. Everyone has a role and a responsibility when it comes to water, and the participation of everyone is integral for our future.
In the months following the workshop, I found myself thinking often of one theme that had been identified by the group – unity of knowledge. The idea was to explore how different areas of study operate in silos, and they remain separate and distinct, with little overlap or little collaboration. This is true for not only the natural sciences and humanities/social sciences, but also western knowledge on water and Indigenous knowledge systems on water. It’s important to integrate all the different forms of knowledge together. This includes how to integrate the natural sciences together with concepts of justice.
Whitemud River, Manitoba. Image: JTbuer, Wikimedia.
I’ve also been thinking back to my participation in water testing in high school at Whitemud River, Manitoba. While testing the water – we considered questions related to the appearance of water and the recreational usage of the water. At one of the sites, a few students shared that they had swam in the water for years; yet there were many of us who hadn’t even considered this water as being suitable for swimming because of the way we perceived the conditions of the water and the surrounding environment. Within the group, we had different relationships with the water. This is an important attribute to the data we collected. While the tests that we would conduct may provide data about whether the water was good for recreational usage, this is in a context where people had ongoing relationships with that water, and different opinions on what makes the water safe for recreational usage. If the results either we or the lab found it to be unsafe, the cause of the problem could be dealt with. The community could also be made aware so they can make decisions for their well-being. Both the tests we conducted, and the information provided by those with ongoing relationships to the site were valuable to the data we collected.
When we think about bridging these silos, it can happen during water testing. When you go out to collect water samples, the testing could also involve questions about your relationship to the water, or questions rooted in Indigenous ways of knowing. This could include asking those taking samples to consider how the condition of the water makes you feel, to document animals that you might’ve seen, or to answer whether you might swim or drink the water. To me, these questions make sense especially when members that are collecting water samples are a mix of those local to the area and those who are not.
Whitemud River. Image from Whitemud Watershed Conservation District.
Our relationships to water and the various forms of knowledge about water are all important in addressing the complex challenges of water and climate injustices that we face today. The workshop helped me return to my passion. Climate and water justice need to transition to both prioritizing interdisciplinary work and also valuing and respecting Indigenous knowledge (as much as western science typically is) if we are to address the complexities of water injustices.
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Just Waters:Thinking with Hydro-Social Relations for a More Just and Sustainable World is an interdisciplinary research project that is housed at the Centre for Human Rights Research at the University of Manitoba. This three-year project, funded by the UM IGNITE Program, will nurture new and ongoing relationships to mobilize and connect individuals locally and internationally to better address the ongoing issues surrounding water justice.
Just Waters is led by Dr. Adele Perry, Distinguished Professor in the Faculty of Arts & Director of the CHRR at the University of Manitoba. Just Waters will apply an interdisciplinary lens to water (in)justice and work to move research to the next steps. By establishing an interdisciplinary approach and centering the hydro-social, the project will nurture new and ongoing relationships to mobilize and connect individuals locally and internationally to better address the ongoing issues surrounding water justice.
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Bill 43 – the Human Rights Code Amendment Act, Adding Gender Expression as a Protected Characteristic
June 06, 2025
Author
Mikayla Hunter
On Monday, June 2nd,2025, Bill 43 passed its third and final reading in the Manitoba legislature. Bill 43, the Human Rights Code Amendment Act, added gender expression to the list of protected characteristics under the Manitoba Human Rights Code. With the passing of this Bill, Manitoba joins the majority of Canada in including gender expression as a protected characteristic. Only Saskatchewan and the Northwest Territories still do not have gender expression listed under their provincial/territorial human rights codes.
The passing of Bill 43 during Pride Month is fitting. Bill 43 would protect trans and gender diverse Manitobans from discrimination on the basis of their gender, however, they are not the only ones who will benefit. Gender expression is not just for trans and gender diverse people. Cisgender people also express their gender in the way that they dress and act. Despite this, the story of Bill 43 is filled with misunderstandings and transphobia. Even in the third and final reading, every member of the Progressive Conservative caucus voted in opposition to Bill 43. The question is: why?
Gender expression has been a protected characteristic for many years in other provinces, as well as at the federal level. As such, we can look to other jurisdictions for precedence. Nova Scotia was one of the first regions in Canada to introduce gender expression as a protected characteristic in 2012. This means that Nova Scotia has over a decade of experience in managing gender expression human rights complaints. However, the Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission noted that while there are some complaints that come in based on one protected characteristic, many complaints had multiple levels of discrimination such as race, gender, and disability. The nine submitted complaints pale in comparison to the 32 related to mental disability, 22 related to physical disability, 29 related to race/colour, and 22 related to sex, allowing for more nuanced complaints that are more reflective of people’s experiences of intersecting oppressions.
All told, the fear of the Manitoba Human Rights Commission being overburdened with complaints on the basis of gender expression appears to be unfounded based on the experience of other jurisdictions. Moreover, the potential for an increased number of complaints should not be used as a means to oppose Bill 43; instead, concerns for overburdening the system should be used to bolster supports for the processes and bodies that evaluate and work to address human rights complaints.
History of gender expression as a protected characteristic in Canada
Nova Scotia and Ontario started the rest of Canada on the path of including gender expression into human rights codes across the country. Since 2012, two territories and six provinces have followed suit and added gender expression as a protected characteristic to their regional human rights codes. Canada passed the inclusion of gender expression into the Canadian Human Rights Code in 2017.
Gender identity and gender expression: what’s the difference?
Another question that came up from those opposed to the bill was a fundamental misunderstanding of what gender expression is and how it is different from gender identity. Everyone expresses a gender (or lack thereof) in their daily lives. Everyone also has a gender identity. There are many sources to look at for a definition of gender identity and gender expression. Given that this conversation centres on legal protections, the Government of Canada’s definitions are useful:
Gender identity:Gender identity is each person’s internal and individual experience of gender. It is their sense of being a woman, a man, both, neither, or anywhere along the gender spectrum.
Gender expression:Gender expression is how a person publicly presents their gender. This can include behaviour and outward appearance such as dress, hair, make-up, body language and voice. A person’s chosen name and pronoun are also common ways of expressing gender.
Discrimination based on gender identity can also involve discrimination based on gender expression, but not always. An employer who chooses not to hire someone because they are a woman or because they are non-binary are discriminating based on gender identity. If they choose not to hire a woman or a non-binary person because they don’t dress femininely enough for the employer’s liking, that is discrimination based on gender expression. In this last example, it’s not the person’s gender that is being discriminated against, but rather how their gender is expressed. A human rights complaint on that issue would likely not fall neatly into gender identity and so, gender expression is a necessary protection.
Conclusion
Bill 43 has passed its third reading and is now awaiting royal assent. This is a huge win for all people living in Manitoba, regardless of gender identity. But it is especially crucial for cis and trans gender men and women, non-binary and gender diverse folks, and Two Spirit people who will be protected from discrimination on the basis of the gender expression under the Manitoba Human Rights Code.
Gender expression has been a protected characteristic across Canada for over 13 years. This is not a new or radical concept. By passing Bill 43, Manitoba joins the majority of Canada in recognizing this important human rights issue.
There’s also a very easy way to prevent having a human rights violation being made against employers and other services: don’t violate another person’s human rights.
Whether you are passionate about interdisciplinary human rights research, social justice programming, or student training and mentorship, the University of Manitoba offers opportunities to support the opportunities most important to you.
Thinking with the Ocean: Twelve questions and a meditation to accompany the International Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Slavery and the Transatlantic Slave Trade
March 24, 2025
Author
Sonja Boon
“Water,” writes Dionne Brand in A Map to the Door of No Return: Notes to Belonging, “is the first thing in my memory. The sea sounded like a thousand secrets, all whispered at the same time.”[1] What might it mean to read the ocean as whispers and secrets – as an archive? What pasts might float ashore, what new stories might be carried on the currents, what materials might be washed away, eroding into unknowable and irretrievable memories?
As Derek Walcott reminds us, “The sea is History.”[2] The ocean is a repository of human memory, both metaphorical and material. Polluted with the debris of the Atlantic slave trade and histories of indenture, as well as the muck of penal ships, refugee journeys, and other detainments, these seas are not the “timeless, unchanging, unmarked, deeply unhistoric” waters of our imagination.[3] Rather, the ocean – whose histories are shaped by imperial quests for wealth, domination and control – is unknowable. Too vast, it is overwhelming. Too mobile, it challenges desires for fixity, solidity, and control.[4] Time, here, is not linear; rather, it is relational, experienced through the interaction of different forces – terrestrial, aqueous, and lunar.
Photo from Sonja Boon. Caribbean Sea, 2015.
If the ocean is unbounded, how might this unboundedness also allow us to imagine the archives of enslavement differently: What happens when archives of containment, capture, violence, and indeed erasure, flood?[5] When stories exceed their banks? When identities rupture, surge, spill, overflow, escape?[6] Alternatively, following Carolyn Steedman, if archives are places of dreams,[7] then what might it mean to imagine lost, silenced, and forgotten dreams through oceanic swells, currents, sprays, and saltings?
Scholars and poets of the Black Atlantic figure water – here understood primarily as the Atlantic of the Middle Passage – as a site of haunting that is both life giving and life destroying. In the words of Guyanese poet Grace Nichols, “Yes, I rippling to the music / I slipping pass the ghost ships / Watching old mast turn flowering tree / Even in the heart of all this bacchanal / The Sea returns to haunt this carnival.”[8]Thinking about oceans as archives asks us to honour not only those for whom the ocean has been a grave, but also those who have journeyed across its waves, journeys that transformed people into chattel, erasing names for numbers, journeys haunted by violent erasures and unfinished dreams.[9]
Photo from Sonja Boon. Crystal Crescent Beach in Nova Scotia.
Thinking about oceans as archives asks us also to think about time in relation to memory. In the words of Janine McLeod, the sea might be imagined as “an infinite water in which everything is retained, and where all times mingle together.”[10] Oceanic time cannot be contained in an endless march forward: it cycles forward and back with the tides, washing with the waves, eroding land and memories.[11]
Oceanic archival thinking requires us to interrogate notions of boundaries and borders, the ways that water erodes shorelines, remapping territory and undermining claims to land, and to think about time and geography in relation to memory — “an infinite water in which everything is retained, and where all times mingle together.”[12] Along the shores in Suriname, for example, entire plantations have eroded, their histories – and their violences – claimed by the sea. And yet, in the process, erosion – as a form of oceanic time – has also revealed submerged truths, with lost slave cemeteries rising to the surface.
There is both a softness and a brittleness to oceanic time. Tumbling rocks soften in ocean waves; rough edges become smooth. But we also need to attend to the salting that both hardens and burns, preserves and destroys. We might consider, here, the essential role of salted, preserved fish. Salt fish was fed to the enslaved and remains an essential part of contemporary Caribbean diets, culture, and identity, but also, and simultaneously, is destructive in relation to broader questions of health. But we can also look to the material conditions of enslaved labour. In The History Mary Prince, A West Indian Slave, Mary Prince recounts her time working in the salt ponds on Grand Turk, Turks and Caicos Islands, and the sores, boils, and blisters that ate right down to the bone.[13]
Photo from Sonja Boon. Cape Spear, Newfoundland and Labrador.
In the haunted space-time of oceans as archives, past, present, and impossible-but-hoped-for futures collide with one another. How can we make sense of histories of ruination? How can we, following M. NourbeSe Philip, tell impossible stories that must be told?[14] But also, how can we live well in what Christina Sharpe calls the wake, a mode of reckoning and a reminder of a “past that is not yet past,”[15] in the ongoing afterlives of the transatlantic slave trade? What stories might the ocean be able to tell us, and what might we learn? What might it mean, following Alexis Pauline Gumbs, to breathe with the ocean?[16]
The work of artist and scholar Camille Turner offers one way forward. In 2019, when interviewed about an art installation that considered Newfoundland and Labrador’s imbrication in the transatlantic slave trade, she underscored the importance of understanding these pasts. “We didn’t create this history,” she said. “None of us did. We weren’t here, but it is what shaped us. By not dealing with it, we can never move on from here. We can’t really move into a future where things are equitable. So I think it’s really important to acknowledge these stories.”
This blog post draws on an essay I wrote for Daze Jefferies: Stay Here Stay How Stay (St. John’s: The Rooms Provincial Art Gallery, 2024), as well as on “Thinking with Oceans,” a blog post I wrote for the Social Sciences and Humanities Ocean Research and Education (SSHORE) network (https://sshoresite.wordpress.com/2019/05/27/thinking-with-oceans/). My thanks to The Rooms Provincial Art Gallery for permission to quote from the essay.
[1] Dionne Brand, A Map to the Door of No Return: Notes to Belonging, Toronto: Penguin Random House, 2001, 8.
[3] Suvendrini Perera, “Oceanic Corpo-Graphies, Refugee Bodies and the Making and Unmaking of Waters.” Feminist Review 103 (2013): 58-79, 62.
[4] See, for example, Renisa Mawani’s oceanic methodology in Across Oceans of Law (Durham: Duke University Press, 2018), which relies on currents layering over and against one another.
[5] For more on flooding and memory, see Toni Morrison, “The Site of Memory,” where she writes: “You know, they straightened out the Mississippi River in places, to make room for houses and livable acreage. Occasionally the river floods these places. ‘Floods’ is the word they use, but in fact it is not flooding; it is remembering. Remembering where it used to be. All water has a perfect memory and is forever trying to get back to where it was” (“The site of memory.” In Inventing the Truth: The Art and Craft of Memoir, ed. William Zinsser, 83-102. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1995, 98-99.
[6] See, for example, Alexis Pauline Gumbs, Spill: Scenes of Black Feminist Fugitivity (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016).
[7] Carolyn Steedman, Dust: The Archive and Cultural History (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2002).
[8] Grace Nichols, I Have Crossed an Ocean, Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Bloodaxe Books, 2010, 103.
[9] For one powerful example of restorying the Middle Passage, see M. NourbeSe Philip, Zong!, Westeyan University Press, 2008.
[10] Janine McLeod. “Water and the Material Imagination: Reading the Sea of Memory against the Flows of Capital.” In Thinking With Water, eds. Cecilia Chen, Janine McLeod, and Astrida Neimanis, 40-60 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2013), 40.
[11] Stefanie Hessler, “Tidalectics: Imagining an Oceanic Worldview through Art and Science.” In Tidalectics: Imagining an Oceanic Worldview Through Art and Science, ed. Stefanie Hessler, 31-81 (Boston: MIT Press, 2018); Mawani, Across Oceans of Law; and McLeod. “Water and the Material Imagination.”
[12] McLeod, “Water and the Material Imagination,” 40.
[13] Mary Prince, The History of Mary Prince, A West Indian Slave. London: F. Westley and A.H. Davis, 1831)
[14] M. NourbeSe Philip, Zong!, Wesleyan University Press, 2008.
[15]In the Wake: On Blackness and Being (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016), 13.
[16] Gumbs, Undrowned: Black Feminist Lessons from Marine Mammals (Chico, CA: AK Press, 2020).
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The systemic neglect of water infrastructure on reserves, driven by colonial policies and environmental racism, exacerbates the barriers Indigenous menstruators face in managing their periods with dignity. As we observe World Water Day, we must acknowledge access to clean water as fundamental to ensuring menstrual and gender justice and to achieving human rights.
Despite Canada’s international reputation as a water-rich nation, the federal government has stated that they have no legal duty to ensure First Nations communities have clean drinking water. This deliberate negligence leaves Indigenous menstruators – who require clean water for hygiene, comfort, and health – without the resources needed to manage their periods with dignity. The financial burdens of purchasing bottled water for hygiene, in addition to the overpriced menstrual supplies in remote areas, deepens the economic hardships and social exclusion faced by menstruators.
Menstrual Justice and Water Justice
Water and menstrual justice are inextricably linked. Without access to clean water, menstruators cannot safely use reusable menstrual products or maintain basic hygiene. The lack of clean water for Indigenous communities is a form of ongoing colonial violence that is not only affecting the hygiene of Indigenous menstruators but invariably impacts Indigenous peoples’ relationships to and with water and menstruation. And yet, as settler colonial violence works to sever Indigenous peoples’ connections to land, culture, and family, Indigenous peoples have always resisted.
This crisis extends beyond Indigenous communities. Unhoused and incarcerated menstruators also experience significant barriers to managing their periods. Public washrooms often lack free menstrual products or privacy for unhoused folk to manage their menstrual cycles with privacy. Correctional facilities frequently restrict, deny, or weaponize the distribution of menstrual supplies and access to water for incarcerated menstruators.
In a country that prides itself on gender equity, human rights, and access to clean water, the realities faced by menstruators, particularly Indigenous menstruators and unhoused or incarcerated menstruators, across Canada is unacceptable.
A Call for Anti-Colonial Action
Addressing the intertwined injustices of water and menstruation requires an anti-colonial approach. The federal government must be held accountable for its failure to provide Indigenous communities with clean water and ensure equitable water infrastructure on reserves. In addition, unhoused and incarcerated menstruators in Canada must have reliable access to clean water so that they can manage menstruation with dignity. Water is not a luxury item, and neither are menstrual supplies. Universal access to safe and clean water and menstrual supplies is essential to ensure the safety, privacy, dignity, and human rights of all menstruators.
This is a water justice, menstrual justice, and gender justice issue that demands urgent action. We must dismantle the colonial and capitalist systems that commodify essential resources, advocate for policy changes that prioritize Indigenous water sovereignty, and challenge the social stigmas that keep menstrual and water justice on the sidelines.
On this World Water Day, let us commit to recognizing water and menstrual justice as fundamental human rights. Only by addressing these interconnected crises can we create a more just and equitable Canada.
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Reflecting on a Decade of Pro-Choice Student Activism at the University of Manitoba’s Fort Garry Campus
March 07, 2025
Author
Hannah Belec
Warning: This photo essay describes the use of abortion imagery and anti-choice rhetoric. All abortion imagery in the featured photos has been covered.
Epigraphs
“My or your freedom should not infringe on someone else’s freedom.”
– Kemlin Nembhard, Executive Director of the Women’s Health Clinic at “My Body, My Choice, Our Struggle: A Conversation on Reproductive Justice.”
“If you cannot control your own body, you cannot control your life.”
– Linda Taylor, Founding Board Member of the Women’s Health Clinic at “My Body, My Choice, Our Struggle: A Conversation on Reproductive Justice.”
Introduction
In honour of International Women’s Day, this photo essay highlights and commends University of Manitoba (UM) students who have, for more than a decade, counterprotested and launched initiatives against anti-choice groups on UM’s Fort Garry Campus (FGC). These students have challenged harmful anti-choice narratives and imagery, advocated for a safer campus, and pushed for improved access to reproductive education and healthcare. They have strived to ensure that fellow UM students can make informed choices about their bodies.
However, this photo essay reveals that, unlike UM students, UM administration has remained passive in addressing anti-choice groups on UM’s FGC. UM administration must act against anti-choice groups and establish policies, such as enforcing an abortion protest buffer zone, to create a safe and supportive campus environment for all UM students.
Photo by Fraser Nelund and article by Quinn Richert. Abortion debate front and centre at the U of M: Student group compares abortion with graphic genocide imagery. The Manitoban. October 2, 2013. Available at: https://issuu.com/themanitoban/docs/manitoban2oct2013.
At the start of the 2013-2014 academic year, the anti-choice student group UM Students for a Culture of Life (UMSCL), with permission from UM administration, set up a graphic display that equated the Holocaust and Rwandan Genocide with abortion. In response, a group of UM students staged a counterprotest to challenge the display’s dangerous and misleading messaging.
Andrew Woolford, a UM Professor of Sociology, and Genocide Scholar, spoke in solidarity with the student counter-protesters. Speaking to The Manitoban, he criticized the display stating, “it does little to foster intelligent debate when everyone who supports [the] right to choose is placed in the position of being a genocide denier or genocidaire.”
Photo by Chantal Zdan and article by Diana Ubokudom. Pro-life student group workshop met with protest: Students express disapproval of University of Manitoba Students for a Culture of Life. The Manitoban. October 18, 2017. Available at: https://issuu.com/themanitoban/docs/09_2017_oct_18_web.
On October 12th, 2017, UMSCL hosted a “Pro-Life 101” workshop on the UM’s FGC to advance their pro-life agenda with attendees. However, the event was disrupted by pro-choice UM students, seen in the image above. The students distributed reproductive health pamphlets and shouted pro-choice sayings to workshop attendees.
One of the pro-choice students, Maya Martinez, shared with The Manitoban that the “[pro-choice students] think that [UMSCL] intimidate [students] on campus who have had abortions or are looking to have abortions.”
Photo by Quincy Houdayer and article by Shaden Abusaleh. Anti-abortion group asked to leave Fort Garry campus: UMSAN-RSM holds workshop on combating “anti-choice” groups. The Manitoban. February 7, 2018. Available at: https://issuu.com/themanitoban/docs/22_2018_feb_7_web.
Due to the presence of UMSCL and the Canadian Coalition for Bio-Ethical Reform (CCBR) on UM’s FGC, the UM Student Action Network – Revolutionary Student Movement (UMSAN-RSM) hosted a workshop on February 1st, 2017, called “Proletarian Feminism: Combatting Anti-Choice Groups in Winnipeg.”
Elizabeth McMechan, a UMSAN-RSM member and one of the event’s organizers, said that “a lot of [anti-choice rhetoric] is inherently misogynistic and wrong and [she doesn’t] think that University of Manitoba students should be subject to that when they’re trying to be in safe space to get their education.” McMechan further explained that UMSAN-RSM was committed to limiting the presence of anti-choice groups on UM’s FGC.
Photo by Sahar Azizkhani and article by Malak Abas. Pro-life campaign sparks protest outside UC: Dispute over reproductive rights debate and its place in public spaces. The Manitoban. October 24, 2018. Available at: https://issuu.com/themanitoban/docs/12_2018_october_24_online_.
On October 22nd, 2018, UM students organized a counterprotest in front of the University of Manitoba Students’ Union (UMSU) University Centre where members of the CCBR displayed images of aborted fetuses and attempted to engage passersby in pro-life discussions.
Shannon Furness, who was involved in the counterprotest and the UM Arts Student Body Council (ASBC) Women’s Representative at the time, explained to The Manitoban that “the demographic that most get abortions is 18 to 24, so [the CCBR] are here for a reason… regardless of if [anti-choice groups] are actually directly restricting our reproductive rights – which they’re not at this point – it still can impact [one’s] right to choose… it can make them feel victimized, vulnerable, or ashamed.”
Another student who participated in the counterprotest, Elizabeth McMechan from UMSAN-RSM, stated that she believes “it’s important that the university make a statement about whether or not they’re going to support a student’s right to bodily autonomy.”
In response to concerns raised by UM students about the presence of the CCBR and UMSCL on UM’s FGC, UMSU’s Board of Directors approved significant amendments to UMSU’s Safe Environment Policy and Equitable Campus Position Statement on November 5th, 2018.
Motion 0428A updated the Equitable Campus Position Statement to affirm UMSU’s support for “one’s right to freedom of reproductive choice; and one’s right to be free from coercion or attempted coercion with respect to making reproductive choices.”An additional sub-clause clarified that UMSU does not support “any act of coercion or attempted coercion with respect to making reproductive choices” or “the dissemination of graphic material or information that is misleading or false as part of any event/activity or within the group/club or association.”
Motion 0428B revised the Safe Environment Policy to explicitly include “any act of coercion or attempted coercion with respect to making reproductive choices”under the definition of “discriminatory or harassing behaviours and actions.”
Concurrently, ASBC introduced a motion that aimed to prevent the display of “graphic images and the targeting of vulnerable individuals” by the CCBR, UMSCL, and other anti-choice groups in Faculty of Arts buildings.
Photo by Ebunoluwa Akinbo and article by Colton McKillop. Anti-abortion group CCBR holds rally on campus: Graphic images of aborted fetuses met with counter-protest. The Manitoban. September 14, 2022. Available at: https://issuu.com/themanitoban/docs/109_05_sep14_2022.
In less than 24 hours, the UMSU Women’s Centre (WC) and Justice for Women Manitoba (JWM) organized a student counterprotest in response to the CCBR’s anti-choice presence on UM’s FGC in September 2022.
Jessica Gibson, President of JWM at the time, condemned the CCBR’s use of images of aborted fetuses, calling them “triggering and retraumatizing.”
UMSU also issued a statement on Instagram, emphasizing its commitment to student well-being: As “a union meant to support our student body and protect them from harm… [UMSU] cannot sit idly by when some attempt to shame our students for making personal choices about their own lives and futures.”
Gibson urged UM administration to take more decisive action to protect students from distressing material and anti-choice demonstrations on campus, arguing that the university’s existing warning posters were insufficient.
Photo by Ebunoluwa Akinbo and article by Alicia Rose. Student groups hold pro-choice initiative: Event comes as a response to anti-abortion group presence on campus. The Manitoban. April 5, 2023. Available at: https://issuu.com/themanitoban/docs/109_28_apr05_2023.
Taking an approach beyond traditional pro-choice counterprotests, the UMSU WC, JWM, and ASBC launched an initiative to support students during anti-choice demonstrations on the UM’s FGC in late March and early April 2023.
This initiative included distributing reproductive health resources and extending the UMSU WC’s hours to provide a safe space where students could seek support and information. Designed to minimize the negative mental health impacts of direct engagement with anti-choice demonstrators, who often use graphic imagery and start inflammatory debates, this initiative prioritized student well-being while promoting informed choice.
Photo courtesy of the UMSU Women’s Centre.
On November 9th, 2024, the UMSU WC held a counterprotest against an anti-choice group outside UMSU University Centre. This anti-choice demonstration and counterprotest came just days after the re-election of U.S. President Donald Trump, whose hand-selected Supreme Court Justices overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022. Since his re-election, Trump’s administration has only continued to threaten reproductive rights in the U.S., impacting many American UM students.
In conversation with Brie Willoughby, the UM student pictured above, they said they are “a firm believer that everyone has a fundamental right to control their own body and make decisions about what happens to it.”
Willoughby expressed frustration with anti-choice groups who come to UM’s FGC with “triggering and falsified images to essentially demonstrate that people don’t deserve to decide whether or not to be pregnant.”
Upon hearing that the UMSU WC was holding a counter-protest, Willoughby “immediately knew [they] had to be part of it.”
Overall, Willoughby was “incredibly heartened by how many people showed up to demonstrate, that [UM] students do not agree with [anti-choice demonstrators], and that [UM students] fiercely defend the right to decide what happens to one’s body.”
Conclusion
For over a decade, pro-choice student activists on UM’s FGC have driven change and worked to protect the well-being and reproductive autonomy of the UM student community. However, the responsibility of safeguarding the UM student community should not rest solely on students. It is time for UM administration to take action against anti-choice groups on UM’s FGC, ensuring that all students feel safe, supported, and empowered in their education and reproductive choices.
By: Hannah Belec (she/her)
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Beyond the Binary: Celebrating Trans, Non-Binary, & Gender-Expansive Folks on International Women’s Day
March 07, 2025
Author
Emma Cowman
International Women’s Day (IWD) is a day to celebrate the social, economic, cultural, and political achievements of women. This is a day to celebrate the resilience and accomplishments of those oppressed under patriarchal systems, while serving as a reminder of the ongoing global struggles for gender equity and justice. However, this day of celebration has historically centered on the experiences of cisgender women, often excluding or disenfranchising trans, non-binary, and gender-expansive folks, who also experience misogyny, gender-based violence, and discrimination under patriarchal systems.
However, these attacks are not just a U.S. issue. Across the world, trans communities are fighting for their basic human rights in the face of state-sanctioned violence, exclusion, and systemic barriers to healthcare, education, and legal recognition. In Canada, while trans and non-binary people are recognized and protected under Canadian law, the current Conservative Party opposition leader, Pierre Poilievre has stated that he is only aware of two genders (male and female). Furthermore, provincial governments across the country are attacking trans, non-binary, and gender-expansive youth through pronoun and name laws in Saskatchewan, Alberta, and New Brunswick schools.
The failure to fully recognize trans rights as human rights reinforces cycles of marginalization, violence, and state-sanctioned discrimination. When governments pass laws that restrict gender-affirming care, erase legal gender recognition, or criminalize trans existence, they are not just enacting policy – but they are violating the basic human dignity and rights of trans individuals. These actions send a dangerous message that trans lives are disposable, further legitimizing social stigma and violence against trans communities.
By affirming that trans rights are human rights, we acknowledge that true gender equality cannot be achieved without the full inclusion, protection, and empowerment of trans, non-binary, and gender-expansive individuals. Human rights belong to everyone – not just those who conform to rigid, binary understandings of gender. Ensuring that trans people have access to the same freedoms, opportunities, and protections as everyone else is not just an act of solidarity, but a necessary step toward building a more just and equitable world.
This International Women’s Day…
This IWD, we must honour trans, non-binary, and gender-expansive folks who have long been at the forefront of feminist, 2SLGBTQIA+, and social justice movements, even when they are being erased from these narratives. From Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rivera in the fight for queer and trans liberation, to contemporary leaders like Raquel Willis, Imara Jones, and Tourmaline, trans activists have been pivotal in challenging systemic oppression, advocating for bodily autonomy, and demanding gender justice for all. As we mark IWD, we must ensure that trans, non-binary, and gender-expansive individuals are not just included in the conversation but actively centered in the fight for gender justice and freedom from patriarchal oppression.
International Women’s Day is a call to action to dismantle the oppressive structures that harm all women – cis and trans alike – alongside trans men, non-binary, and gender-expansive individuals. This IWD must be a day that centers and celebrates the resilience, contributions, and struggles of trans, non-binary, and gender-expansive people worldwide. At the same time, we emphasize the need for continued advocacy to challenge the rising gender essentialist rhetoric and legislation. By recognizing the intersections of gender oppression, we strengthen the collective fight for liberation, autonomy, and justice for all.
By: Emma Cowman (she/they)
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Justin Flett, far right, has accused a Manitoba ER doctor of anti-Indigenous racism. Flett is shown at a news conference in Winnipeg with Assembly of First Nations Manitoba Regional Chief Willie Moore, Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs acting Grand Chief Betsy Kennedy and Manitoba Keewatinowi Okimakanak Grand Chief Garrison Settee. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Brittany Hobson
Flett was assigned a triage score of five, which is intended for non-urgent low-priority cases. The statement of claim alleges that the physician who finally saw Flett insinuated that he was hungover, saying something to the effect of: “I don’t know what to tell you, we don’t treat you here for hangovers.” Flett was not given diagnostic tests, imaging, a physical examination or pain medication.
Whether you are passionate about interdisciplinary human rights research, social justice programming, or student training and mentorship, the University of Manitoba offers opportunities to support the opportunities most important to you.
Whether you are passionate about interdisciplinary human rights research, social justice programming, or student training and mentorship, the University of Manitoba offers opportunities to support the opportunities most important to you.
